Steven Eidman's Blog

The Official Blog of Steven Eidman

Archive for the ‘Jew’ Category

Posted by steveneidman on March 11, 2010

The Jewish Review of Books

Bob Dylan: Messiah or Escape Artist?

by Ron Rosenbaum

Bob  Dylan:  Prophet,  Mystic,  Poet
by  Seth  Rogovoy
Scribner  Books,  336 pp.,  $26

In 1978, a young graduate student traveling in India named Daniel Matt wrote to Gershom Scholem, the 80-year-old Professor of Jewish Mysticism at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. The letter discussed his experiences, his ambitious plans to translate the central text of Jewish mysticism, the Zohar, and, most of all, about Bob Dylan, who he hoped Scholem might appreciate.

      I’m also sending you Bob Dylan Approximately, whose author believes that Dylan draws
      on Kabbalistic sources consciously or unconsciously (whatever that means). The thesis
      does not hold water … Be that as it may, the book is still interesting as a collage, and
      will give you a hippie’s perspective on Robert Zimmerman (Dylan’s real name).

Scholem replied:

      Your detailed account of your travels in the East and your experiences there with several
      friends and gurus I read with great interest … Who was or is Robert Zimmerman, called
      Bob Dylan? … Please let me know if he is a Jew. The Zimmermans divide 50% into Jews
      and goyim … My receptivity to music is, alas, nothing, therefore I forego the pleasure of
      listening to “Blonde on Blonde” or even the more seducing “Desire.” The title “Highway 61”
      arouses no desire in me. Maybe I am too old for it.

“Who was or is Robert Zimmerman, called Bob Dylan?” Is he a Jew? Good questions! Almost from the beginning of his career Bob Dylan né Zimmerman has had an odd, intense, divisive, often mysterious, relationship with Jews and Judaism. For some Jews (and Christians too) he has become a virtually messianic figure. In his new book, Bob Dylan: Prophet, Mystic, Poet, Seth Rogovoy portrays him as a kind of biblical prophet on the order of Isaiah or Jeremiah.

I’m not exaggerating the cult-like devotion of those whom I’ve come to call “the Bobolators” (after Shakespeare’s “Bardolators”). Although there are many brilliant commentators who are able to separate the wheat from the chaff, there are others for whom there is no chaff, those for whom his every word and line in every lyric, no matter how casual or trivial, seems to be a burning bush of signification that speaks with numinous authority in a blaze of encrypted poetry.

He was the chosen one for the secular Jewish folkies who saw him as able to bring the messianic, if not Marxist, social gospel to the gentiles in his protest songs. While some kvetched about his name change, realistically “Zimmerman” wouldn’t have served the Woody Guthrie persona he crafted. And the Woody Guthrie act worked. It worked so well that this middle-class Jewish boy from Hibbing, Minnesota, passed as a kind of Okie hobo. Of course, talent played a part: Dylan’s “Song to Woody,” really the first sign he was capable of conjuring up transcendent beauty, decisively signaled his difference from all of the other Greenwich Village faux Okies.

That is, until he got tired of that act and caught fire with electric rock and roll, leading to cries of betrayal and “Judas!” That famous cry of “Judas!” was heard as Dylan launched into an electric guitar set in his 1966 Royal Albert Hall concert (now available as Live 1966 and arguably the best of the live Dylan albums). And when you think about it, it was an accusation that he was being Judas to his own Jesus.

He was wickedly good at electric rock and roll and there was a period when he was writing unconsciously great songs, with an alchemy of cynicism, nihilism, psychedelicism, and absurdist black humor: The flash and filigree of “Highway 61 Revisited”; the “thin wild mercury” sound (as Dylan once described it) of Blonde on Blonde. I still believe this was his moment of greatest transcendence culminating in the pure masterpiece, Blood on the Tracks. In those first two albums, especially, one could place Dylan in a secular Jewish cultural/historical context: the largely Jewish “black humor” movement whose genesis lay in the absurd horror of the Holocaust, from Lenny Bruce to Joseph Heller and Norman Mailer to Philip Roth.

But, as Matt wrote to Scholem, some Jews have always wanted to claim him for more traditional Jewish piety, and Rogovoy is the latest. It should be said that those who labor in the vineyards of Dylanology (and I’m now working on my own take on him) owe Rogovoy a great debt for persuasively tracking so many Dylan words, lines, and allusions to Biblical sources we might not have noticed. But should we therefore expect Dylan to behave himself as a specifically Jewish artist?

Rogovoy tries to make the case that the most important thing about Dylan is his Jewishness. Even when Dylan converted to Christianity, Rogovoy assures us, he—and his songs—were still really Jewish. And for a time—after the explicitly Christian period of the late seventies and early eighties passed—when Dylan was seen on Chabad Lubavitcher telethons and then, more privately at Chabad services all over the map, it seemed like Dylan had finally found his home in the messianic Hasidic sect.

But then, somewhat to Rogovoy’s misfortune, just as this book proclaiming Dylan’s essential Jewishness was about to be published, Dylan’s label made an announcement that even those like myself, no longer easily shocked by Dylan’s choices, found shocking. Rogovoy’s Jewish “prophet, mystic, poet” was going to release a “traditional” Christmas album, entitled “Christmas in the Heart.” Yes, we all know (as Garrison Keillor churlishly reminded us recently) that Jews have written many Christmas songs, but mostly of the secular “White Christmas” sort. In this album Dylan sings real devotional songs, including “O Come All Ye Faithful.”

Could there be a connection between Rogovoy’s book and the Christmas album? Rogovoy is so relentless in nailing every Dylan utterance to some Biblical or Talmudic or kabbalistic source that on some level Dylan might have known he was about to be tied to this procrustean bed of piety for good. This is more metaphorical conjecture than biographical theory. But if you watch the video of “Must be Santa” from the Christmas in the Heart album (by far the best thing on it), you see a Dylanesque guy desperately trying to flee from a Christmas party and hurling himself through the glass of the venue to escape it.

That’s Dylan: more escape artist than preacher. It was Dylan who told us he became his own “enemy / in the instant that I preach.” Nonetheless, Rogovoy’s source-hunting is so relentless, one can only bow to his ingenuity as he pins just about every Dylan line you can think of, like a dead butterfly, to its biblical source box. I was particularly impressed by the wealth of allusions to the Davidic stories he finds. On the other hand, Dylan has been aptly described as a “magpie” who snatches images and allusions from any context, as he happens upon them. And what Rogovoy sees as piety may be mag-piety. A less contestable aspect of Rogovoy’s exemplary research is his deepening of the detailed picture now emerging of Dylan’s Jewish upbringing. Rogovoy shows that the Zimmermans were at “the center of Jewish life in Hibbing,” and that young Robert’s bar mitzvah broke attendance records at the local hotel.

Certainly, we know Dylan has remained preoccupied with God. There’s an excerpt in Rogovoy’s book from an interview with Dylan (this was in the late ’70s and the interviewer, as it happens, was me). Dylan was discussing the ills of the modern world and, in his inscrutable deadpan, suddenly mentioned that he had seen a Time magazine cover that asked “Is God dead”?

“Would you think that was a responsible thing to do?” Dylan asked me, with an emphasis on responsible that made it either genuinely indignant or joking—or both. Then he added “What does God think of that? I mean if you were God, how would you like to see that written about yourself?” It was funny, Dylan trying to feel God’s pain, asking the primal Dylan question of God: how does it feel?

Perhaps the biggest stretch of the book is Rogovoy’s rationalization of Dylan’s Jesus period. Talk about taking the Christ out of Christmas. Consider when he comes to what he calls “Dylan’s most direct statement of Christian belief,” on the album Slow Train Coming. “The official published lyric of ‘When You Gonna Wake Up’ has him singing, ‘There’s a Man upon a cross and He’s been crucified / Do You have any idea why or for who He died?’”

“But,” Rogovoy tells us, as if he has discovered a loophole, “on the recording Dylan actually sings, ‘There’s a man on the cross and he’s been crucified for you / Believe in his power that’s all you gotta do.” Either way it’s a pretty straightforward declaration that the crucifixion is the path to salvation. But wait! Rogovoy seeks to obfuscate Dylan’s rare if unappealing didacticism: “The line seems tacked on to the end of the song; nothing that comes before prepares a listener for this statement of faith; there is no case being made that leads up to this as the logical (or illogical) conclusion; it’s practically a non sequitur as it appears in the song.”

You can almost see him sweat. But it’s simply not true that nothing prepares the listener or that it’s a non sequitur. It’s more like a culmination that Rogovoy can’t abide. He denies Dylan the right, misguided or not, to be the person he was then, because it challenges the ironclad rigidity of Rogovoy’s thesis. This transparent sophistry (“tacked on” could be another person’s “triumphant conclusion”) allows Rogovoy to avoid confonting Dylan’s soul-searching.

Still, there’s something there. As Daniel Matt, now the distinguished translator of the Zohar, put it to me in an e-mail:

For many years I worshiped Dylan. I occasionally referred to him as Baba Di-lan, Aramaic for “our gateway,” to truth and wisdom. For some reason, I always wanted him to be very deeply Jewish, whether or not he was. I felt that he saw things in their stark reality, that his prophetic vision penetrated to the core of everything and his poetic genius enabled him to share that with others.

Posted in Israel, Jew, Jewish Interest, Music, art, arts, celebrity, culture, history, literature, rock 'n roll | Tagged: , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

Posted by steveneidman on February 24, 2010

How Is Yiddish Doing?

By Ruth R. Wisse

fiddler_on_the_roof_fiddler.jpg

On 2 December 2009 the curtain of Harvard’s famed Agassiz Theater rose on a production of Avrom Goldfaden’s Shulamis, one of the most famous plays in the Yiddish repertoire. An operetta set in the Land of Israel in late biblical times, it was last performed in Warsaw in 1939, and forcibly shut down by the German invasion of September 1. To stage the current production its co-directors, Debra Caplan, a Harvard graduate student of Yiddish and Cecilia Raker, an undergraduate concentrator in drama, assembled a cast willing to learn their parts in a language most of them had never heard. The directors kept all the musical numbers in the original Yiddish and used a new English translation for the dialogue, adding dancers to the production to compensate for the verbal delights an English audience would miss.

Of the dozen plays I had studied with these students in a course on Yiddish drama, Shulamis was by no means the most obviously appealing to contemporary taste. Its theme is trustworthiness: a young man Absolom neglects the vow of marriage he made to the rustic Shulamis, who endures bitter years of waiting until he repents the alliance he made instead and returns to her. Beneath the intricacies of the love story throbs the Jewish national motif of keeping faith with covenant. What most intrigued the student-directors was the moral and psychological fallout of such faithfulness: How do we account for the suffering of the woman Absolom marries, and for the death of their two infant children in apparent retribution for his sin? When Absolom leaves his wife and fulfils his promise, can an audience forgive him as fully as Shulamis does, and is the reconciliation at the final curtain really meant to erase the effects of those intervening years? The excitement generated by such questions among cast, musicians, technical crew, and among scholars and graduate students invited to participate in an intercollegiate symposium on the play seemed to bear out the website’s claim for “a resurgence of interest in Yiddish among young people.”

Much of that interest is currently stimulated by institutions of higher learning, like Columbia, NYU, the Jewish Theological Seminary, Stanford, Emory, Brandeis, and universities of Indiana, Michigan, Albany, and Texas, all of which offer programs in Yiddish. Harvard’s current cohort of eight PhD candidates in Yiddish is its largest and liveliest since the inception of the program in 1993. Yet the field of Yiddish is hardly stable. The University of Maryland has just announced that it may drop its Yiddish position as a cost-saving device, sacrificing an apparently marginal subject—one unlikely to figure prominently in the college ratings of US News and World Report. The news from Baltimore generated anxiety in what had until recently been the expanding sphere of Yiddish studies. Comings and goings of faculty sometimes determine the status of the language, since many university positions in Jewish Studies are open ended, and shift their priorities according to the specialty of the person hired.

With the Humanities curriculum itself under siege, how important will Yiddish be to the overall mission of colleges? And if university programs are competing for shrinking resources, how important ought it to be?

——————————————————————————————————————————–

 How much poorer English would be without the schlemiel and his bagel, without the chutzpah to kvell, kibitz and kvetch.

——————————————————————————————————————————–

A mere century ago the majority of Jews, who then numbered over seventeen million (to today’s fewer than thirteen million), spoke Yiddish, read Yiddish, and raised their children in Yiddish. But this was rapidly changing. Wherever they were offered citizenship, most Jews encouraged their children to advance in the local language. The pace of acculturation varied with local levels of toleration. Yiddish dissolved quickly in America, more slowly in Poland, and fitfully in Russia, where the Soviet government tried to use the language as an instrument of indoctrination. Some Jewish leaders regretted the low esteem in which Yiddish was held by even its speakers. The public intellectual Chaim Zhitlowsky (1865-1943) ruefully compared the fortunes of Yiddish to those of the Jewish people. “Both are required to prove that they are genuine: the Jews that they are really a nation and Yiddish that it is really a language…. They always have to carry a passport that sets out all their identifying marks, and if God forbid, one attribute is missing—they are considered fake.” In eerie confirmation of this appraisal, the suspect world of Yiddish was extinguished with its speakers during the Second World War. Nowadays, everyday life in Yiddish is confined to tight communities of Jews who want to remain separate from secular society.

When I first determined to introduce courses on Yiddish language and literature at McGill University in Montreal in the late 1960s, there were as yet no other courses in Jewish Studies anywhere in the curriculum. But as higher education was then in an expansion mode, responsive to the claims of foreign cultures, I argued that the academy was failing its duty to western civilization, let alone to the world beyond it, by excluding its constituent cultures, emphatically including Jewish culture. Since I was then in the English Department, I had to persuade its faculty of what Yiddish could bring to the English curriculum and to its newest offshoot, American literature. My strongest claim was the body of literature that had been created in North America by Yiddish poets, dramatists, and novelists, and by Jewish writers in the English language who were also fluent in Yiddish. I was helped by the fact that two local greats—the native Montrealer Saul Bellow and A.M. Klein, one of Canada’s leading poets—translated and drew heavily from their native Yiddish.

Interface between Yiddish and English was my second line of argument. The influx of Yiddish into London and New York at the end of the nineteenth and start of the twentieth centuries, initially so alarming to protectionists like Henry James and Henry Adams, was soon welcomed by stylists like H.L. Mencken. How much poorer English would be without the schlemiel and his bagel, without the chutzpah to kvell, kibitz and kvetch. By that time, the enlivening effects of Yiddish had inspired the 1960s motto, “Dress British, think Yiddish.” Professional comedy was then about 75% Jewish, driving Yiddish ironies into the mainstream, and at culture’s other extreme, the Holocaust was penetrating historical consciousness, with Yiddish as its major language of witness. The relatively large number of Yiddish speakers in Montreal, including Holocaust survivors and their children, was a major point in favor of its local relevance.

146.jpgOnly my presence in a department of English literature dictated those particular reasons for the inclusion of Yiddish in its curriculum. When a colleague asked about the logic of Yiddish/Jewish studies starting up in the English Department, I was needlessly defensive: “Where else should I go?” I asked, “To the German Department?” The Second World War was still fresh enough in everyone’s mind to support my sarcasm, yet the semantic affinity between Yiddish and German made that a not unreasonable alternative. I ought to have said that I could have made the case for Yiddish equally well in most areas of the Humanities and Social Sciences.

- Linguistics provided the first academic home for Yiddish in America, finding rich comparative material in the history and spread of the language. The extension of Yiddish across much of Europe between the 13th and 20th centuries and its fusion of Jewish and non-Jewish languages made it exceptionally useful to the study of “languages in contact”—the title of an influential book in the field.

- Anthropologists were intrigued by the discovery that Yiddish-speaking Jews in communities from westernmost Hungary to easternmost Russia had more in common with one another than with their Christian neighbors. Folklorists took an interest in Yiddish songs, tales, jokes, recipes, and customs, some of which continue in contemporary forms.

- Historians at every turn came up against the Jews, who stood in the path of empires from the Seleucids and Romans through the Christians and Muslims to the Fascists and Communists. Yiddish-speaking communities took the brunt of attack from the thirteenth to the twentieth centuries. Hitler’s Final Solution was aimed primarily at the Yiddish population of Europe. What was it about this pacific civilization that elicited such hostility? Then again, Yiddish culture exemplified the resourcefulness of a people that prospers and thrives wherever it is allowed to do so. The study of history could benefit from more such examples.

- Religious Studies and Divinity Schools had allowed Biblical Hebrew into their curriculum when all other aspects of Jewishness were expunged. But once Judaism was granted legitimacy as part of the study of religions, Yiddish earned its inclusion alongside Hebrew as a language of modern religious experience. Hasidism, one of the youngest religious movements within Judaism, functioned largely in Yiddish, and continues to do so today in far-flung Hasidic communities. Jewish folk religion flourished in Yiddish. Modern women’s prayer emerged in Yiddish, which also generated a post-war liturgy in Yiddish.

- Philosophy and Political Theory may be curiously handicapped by their neglect of a tradition of thought that resists grand explanations and holds apparent contradictions in delicate balance. I sometimes wonder what would happen if students of Hegel and Marx were simultaneously required to study the humbling cadences of Sholem Aleichem, or if the Jews who once flocked into German universities had taken their Yiddish in with them rather than deferring to the Ubersprache. The assumed inferiority of Yiddish to German not only fueled contemptuous disregard for another culture, but ignored what by other standards are ethically and intellectually stronger ideas than those emerging from German Enlightenment. The penetration of Yiddish into these disciplines has yet to be achieved.

- Yiddish literature—the field currently best integrated into universities–richly repays the student who acquires the language in order to read it. The evidence lies in lists of Yiddish novels, plays, poems, and essays, and short stories that constitute reading exams for doctoral candidates in the field. Courses on Yiddish literature may be organized chronologically to demonstrate the development within little over a century of modern Yiddish fiction from modest satires to the Nobel Prize winning work of Isaac Bashevis Singer, or they may feature competing literary approaches (realism, symbolism, impressionism, etc.), literary themes (faith and reason, diaspora and homeland, literature of destruction, etc.), or considerations of gender (vide Janet Hadda’s study of “passionate women, passive men”). Yiddish is a rich field for the study of translation: some of the best Yiddish writers translated from other languages and its works are increasingly known through translation. Comparative courses (The Yiddish Novel under Tsars and Stripes; The Comic Tradition in Jewish Culture) study the fortunes of Yiddish in various socio-political contexts, or in tandem with coterritorial literatures.

- The kind of arguments I once made for the relevance of Yiddish to an English Department have since swayed other language and literature departments. The study of Old Yiddish (c. 1250-1500) and Middle Yiddish (1500-1700) is most advanced in German Universities, whose scholars compare, for example, early Bible translations and versions of epic poems that survive in both Yiddish and German. The end of the Soviet Union, which opened the Russian archives and allowed freer travel to Eastern Europe, stimulated research into historical questions ranging from comparative rates of divorce and conversion to the Jewish presence in Soviet theater and film. The Iran-sponsored 1994 bombing of the Jewish Community Center in Buenos Aires destroyed much of its Yiddish archive, but a simultaneous rise of interest in Spanish-Jewish studies has resulted in the inclusion of Yiddish culture in Central and South America Studies. There is also emerging parallel interest in Ladino—the language of Jews from the Iberian Peninsula and their descendants—that triggers comparative studies of Ladino and Yiddish.

- Israel Studies, until lately neglected in North America, are traditionally contrasted with Yiddish studies. This is because ideological rivalries of the early twentieth century pitted Zionist proponents of Hebrew against Yiddish promoters of Diaspora, creating the simplistic association of Hebrew with statehood and of Yiddish with life outside Israel. This split continues to serve some ideologically-driven scholarship today, particularly among Leftists who seek in Yiddish an alternative to a putatively “militaristic” Jewish state. However, Yiddish actually played a prominent role in both pre-modern and modern varieties of Zionism, and some Yiddish writers and poets celebrated the creation of Israel more enthusiastically than some of their Hebrew counterparts. If there is a “resurgent interest in Yiddish” among young people in North America, this is no less true for young people in Israel, who thanks to their native Hebrew already know its alphabet, and thanks to living in a Jewish state are already familiar with Jewish aspects of its culture.

092.jpgThis thumbnail sketch of academic “uses” of Yiddish scarcely does justice to the civilization that flourished for seven centuries in Europe, nor to the curiosity it still awakens. When the late Isaac Bashevis Singer was asked how it felt to write in a “dying language,” he joked that legions of graduate students would some day be writing dissertations on his books. This year two visiting professors from China were at Harvard doing just that, but once they began studying the literature more broadly, they moved on to other Yiddish writers as well. These visitors complained that I and my department were not doing enough to promote Yiddish—and Jewish Studies–in China. I should have sent them to the administration of the University of Maryland to make the case for its retention there!

The unanticipated appeal of Shulamis over the social dramas that until recently attracted the lion’s share of attention reminds us that education and culture do not always follow the most plausible path. The famous Yiddish “Tale of the Seven Beggars” by Rabbi Nahman of Bratslav makes a related point. Nahman inverts all our expectations to show that the blind man is the most insightful, the deaf man most alert, the eldest, most youthful, the handicapped, most complete, and so forth. He invites us to recognize through the power of a story–in its telling as much as in its moral–the reality of the spiritual life over the material one in which we place our trust. I am tempted to apply the point to Yiddish. Often mistaken for a “minor” language, it contains the experience of a people that burned and burned and was not consumed. Its value may have grown as its speakers declined.

Posted in Film, Israel, Jew, Jewish Interest, art, arts, culture, history, literature, school | Tagged: , , , , | Leave a Comment »

Close of the Golden Age of Am Lit

Posted by steveneidman on February 16, 2010

Masters of American Literature

by Mark Lawson

  
American Writer Norman Mailer

Norman Mailer speaking at a protest against the war in Vietnam. Photograph: JP Laffont/Sygma/Corbis

January 27 is becoming a black-letter day in American literature. On that day in 2009, John Updike died and, this year, the first ­anniversary of that loss was marked by the news that JD Salinger was dead. It’s an artificial coincidence – of a sort that authors as good as Updike and Salinger would have scorned in their stories – but the deaths in close succession of members of the literary generations born in the 1910s, 20s and 30s do have a symbolic significance. If we add the deaths within four months of 2007 of Norman Mailer and Kurt Vonnegut – members with Salinger of the set of major American writers formed by service in the second world war – it’s clear that an era in American literature is coming to a close.

There is an obvious temptation to believe that the authors who have recently died form – with others who fought in the war (such as Saul Bellow and Gore Vidal) or were teenagers in America during it (Philip Roth) – the greatest literary generation the country has ever seen or ever will see. This triumphalist but nostalgic position holds that these writers took advantage of their nation’s geopolitical power – and a media culture and bookstore customer-base which regarded serious writers ­seriously – to create a superpower of the pen to match the financial and military clout of the US during what became known as the American century.

The counter-argument is that this army of old soldiers was very male and masculine and white in its concerns – tempered only by a grudging, late admission to the halls of fame of writers such as Toni Morrison and Joyce Carol Oates – and that the standard narrative of 20th-century American literature is partial and distorted. This case is made persuasively in Elaine Showalter’s recent book: A Jury of Her Peers: American Women Writers from Anne Bradstreet to Annie Proulx.

These contrasting presentations of recent American letters are explored in Capturing America, an eight-part Radio 4 series on which I’ve been working for several years. And – even before the death of Salinger during final editing – there had been melancholy signs that this was the right time to take stock. The programmes contain the final ­major interviews with Mailer, Vonnegut and Updike. The latter seemed healthy and energetic in the BBC’s New York studio in the autumn of 2008 as he discussed his life-time mission to write “an alphabet of novels”. But The Widows of Eastwick, three short of the intended 26 full-length fictions from this man of letters, became the last when he was diagnosed, just 10 days after our conversation (according to the dated poems in Endpoint, his final volume of verse) with the pneumonia that would lead to diagnosis of lung cancer and his death on the date that lay in wait for Salinger 12 months later. When I began to think about the series, the question of who was America’s greatest living novelist would spark lively debate at a book festival. On the eve of transmission, that medal automatically defaults to Philip Roth.

There were other signs that this was the right time to analyse Am lit. Updike, in that last interview, reflected on having twice been pictured on the cover of Time magazine, part of the nation’s honours system, to mark the publication of Couples in 1968 and Rabbit Is Rich in 1982. Now, the novelist who takes that prize is Dan Brown. And so the changing of the guard in American fiction is arguably not just generational but cultural: the large, interested readership who lined their shelves with Updike’s Rabbit Quartet, Bellow’s Herzog, Mailer’s The Naked and the Dead, Roth’s Portnoy’s Complaint and other bestsellers of serious literary merit had perhaps migrated to the quick-read thriller and the confessional memoir.

Any overview is immediately subject to accusations of oversight which are followed just as inevitably by a defence of compression; but my definition of modern American literature concentrates on authors whose first work appeared after 1945, which was, in so many ways, a break-through date.

Roth, in The Plot Against America, imagines that a protectionist government prevented the US from entering the second world war when it did. But, if this had been historical reality, The Plot Against America is not the only major American novel we might now lack. The major American novelists of the middle years of the 20th century are all, in various ways, direct beneficiaries of their country’s involvement in that conflict.

Norman Mailer served in the 112th Cavalry in the Pacific theatre, where Gore Vidal, enlisted in the US Army Reserve, was master of a supply boat. Joseph Heller was a bombardier in the 12th Air Force and Kurt Vonnegut a private in the 106th Infantry Division. Jerome David Salinger, drafted into the 4th Infantry Division of the 12th Infantry Regiment, fought on D-Day. Saul Bellow, though Canadian by birth and older than the others, signed up for the Merchant Navy.

Apart from Salinger, this squadron of future novelists saw little military action – Mailer was mainly utilised as a cook and Vonnegut rapidly became a prisoner of war – but all had found material for stories. Indeed, Mailer was clear that he had joined the army with the hope of writing the novel that became The Naked and the Dead (1948). Bellow’s first novel, Dangling Man, drew on the war period, while Vidal’s experiences at sea gave him the title for a volume of memoirs – Point to Point Navigation – and a combatant’s jaundiced perspective which informed his long sequence of historical novels about the growth of American military ambition: Chronicles of Empire.

But the 1939-45 conflict (1941-45, in American terms) was not just a compelling subject for the country’s writers; it was, for some, a passport to authorship. The Servicemen’s Readjustment Act of 1944 (colloquially known as the GI Bill) was almost voted down by the nation’s politicians – opponents citing anti-socialist objections similar to those afflicting Obama’s healthcare proposals now – but it transformed the nation’s education. Before this legislation, the level of college fees largely restricted entry to the children of the wealthy but a provision in the GI Bill to fund the studies of veterans democratised teaching. By 1947, just under half of undergraduates were recipients of this generosity.

Among them were Mailer and Bellow – who wrote early novels in Paris, courtesy of servicemen readjustment grants – and Heller and Vonnegut. Towards the end of his life – when we spoke in New York– Vonnegut had not forgotten the lucky consequences of war service for himself and others of his generation: “Heller and I would have been washing machine salesmen if it wasn’t for the GI Bill.”

The greatest of the novels that this legislation enabled Heller and Vonnegut to write are striking examples of the centrality of war to modern US literature. Both writers took two decades to turn their experience of conflict – Heller in the belly of bomber planes, Vonnegut as a PoW during the fire-bombing of Dresden – into books which, coincidentally, turned tragic events into savage comedy and had numbers in their name: Catch-22 (1962) and Slaughterhouse-Five (1969).

Because of their lengthy gestation, these novels accidentally became handbooks of the anti-Vietnam protesters, and this is a striking example of the overlaps that tend to occur in America’s literature of conflict.

The same authors inspired and educated by the second world war remained involved – on the page at least – in subsequent 20th-century battles. Mailer published the polemic Why Are We in Vietnam? and The ­Armies of the Night, an account of a great anti-Vietnam march on Washington which records the literary odd couple he formed in that protest with Robert Lowell, the poet who had been imprisoned for conscientious objection during the war in Europe. And, in his final years, Mailer railed – as did his contemporary, Vonnegut – against the last American military intervention of their lifetimes: the invasion of Iraq. The latter, in A Man Without a Country, as a German-American once incarcerated in Dresden, even compared the administration of George W Bush to the Nazis.

During Vietnam, a Lowell poem predicted that America would be involved in “small war on the heels of small war, until the end of time”. And, though we hopefully still have some time to go, this has so far proved accurate. A nation established by victory over the British – and, within a century, almost split by civil conflict – developed, after its unarguable role as the saviour of ­Europe, a doctrine of allegedly defensive interventions overseas which turned its authors into war reporters.

Even those who were teenagers during the second world war have contributed to the conflict literature: Roth, in The War Against America; John Updike in Terrorist; and EL Doctorow who, during the Bush years, published The March (a civil war novel) and Homer and Langley, set in the early 40s but in which the accounts of GIs sending home recordings to their families inevitably made us think of current troops in Iraq and Afghanistan. Stories of one war that clips at the heels of another.

And, in recent US history, definitions of peacetime have been relative: violent divisions over race, place and wealth – some of them dating from the civil war – have meant that even non-war stories are often conflict literature. The critic Harold Bloom told me that Cormac McCarthy’s Blood Meridian (1985) – in which the wounds of the 19th century bleed copiously – has some claim to be the greatest modern American novel because it deals with the nation’s deep tendency to violence. Bloom’s view has perhaps recently been vindicated by the growing sense (helped by high-profile movies of No Country for Old Men and The Road) that McCarthy is now the country’s most fashionable serious writer – although the 76-year-old from Rhode Island, who latterly adopted Texas as his home and literary location – has done almost nothing to encourage that popularity.

One of the major pleasures of my long investigation of American writing was meeting writers who have been heroes since I read as a teenager the Penguins and Picadors which – now yellowed and buckled – became research material 30 years later. Time and again, the jacket photographs miraculously came to life.

Norman Mailer, standing in greeting at the top of his tall house in Brooklyn Heights, with its view to the Statue of Liberty, and growling, in a perfect parody of his reputation for obsession with masculinity: “You’re a big man. Do you box? You should box.” Philip Roth skittish and wickedly jokey as the technical preparations were made, sombre and professorial as soon as the interviews began. Joyce Carol Oates, one of the most vociferous writers in literary history (around 150 publications, including all pseudonyms and genres), so softly spoken in a Princeton University office that she could hardly be heard over the purr of the heating. Toni Morrison, giving a magisterial reading and analysis of America on the brink of electing Obama. John Updike, arriving at a snowy Boston hotel, wearing a black knitted cap and clutching a Dunkin Donuts cup of decaf coffee.

And just hearing these voices was a kind of literary criticism. The theatre director Sir Peter Hall once said that if you want to know how a play should sound on stage, you should listen to the playwright speaking, because the tone of authors’ prose or dialogue will generally reflect their speech patterns. And I thought of that as Edward Albee – on a summer day in a Soho loft filled with an impressive art collection made possible by the royalties from Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf?, Three Tall Women and The Goat – delivered witty, twinkly, stinging sentences about his plays and his critics.

In this odd position of having coffee with set-texts, I also often thought of the narrator of The Catcher in the Rye who comments that a good story makes you want to get the author on the telephone and talk to him. But, as Salinger possibly realised with a quiet laugh even in 1951, the writer of those lines was among the few, in an age of strenuous literary publicity, from whom we never heard.

The paradox of Am lit is that it is notable for possessing both the most publicity-conscious writers in literary history – Mailer had an eye for photo-ops generally only found in reality TV contestants – and the most publicity-shy. Salinger refused interviews and public appearances throughout his career, an example followed by Harper Lee and Thomas Pynchon.

For decades, the only pictures of Salinger and Pynchon were school yearbook photos, captured before they took their vows of invisibility. Eventually, the Salinger gallery extended to two exhibits, when a paparazzo snapped him on an errand. Don DeLillo – who featured a reclusive writer in his novel Mao II – told me that this image of a startled old man looking over his shoulder at the shutter-click he had for so long avoided is one of the most upsetting he has ever seen. But that – as the illustrations to the obituary coverage showed – did not stop a couple of other cameras subsequently snapping him.

Perhaps the reason for this Mailer/Salinger dichotomy – one happy to run for public office, the other running from the clicking shutter – is that literary fame in the US is potentially so vast that responses need to be extreme: absolute promiscuity, total celibacy. Those who have tried to take a middle path of occasional cooperation – Roth, McCarthy – have suffered intrusive coverage and unwanted attention.

The level of visibility that a major writer is offered may be one explanation for the centrality of the self in modern American literature. Mailer, in a literary equivalent of a conversational tactic pioneered by sportsmen, frequently wrote about himself in the surname third-person, a tactic which can be seen as ego but which may also have acknowledged the increasing impossibility, in a time of furious curiosity about writers, of the observing character being a neutral “I”.

In a similar strategy, Roth and Updike responded to the increasingly looming presence of the alter ego who was out there selling the books – and, often, being described and reviewed as brutally as the novels – by summoning up fictional surrogates.

Roth (Nathan Zuckerman), Updike (Henry Bech) – these novelists like to write about writers. Vonnegut’s characters included a science fiction author called Kilgore Trout, who feels like a self-portrait, and three of the major novels of John Irving – The World According to Garp, A Widow for One Year and Last Night in Twisted River – have protagonists who are novelists. These authorial stand-ins can be viewed as self-indulgence but a more charitable interpretation would be that they are self-protection against the energetic efforts, in American letters, to appropriate a writer’s identity.

Bellow, although offering no authorly surrogate as openly declared as Zuckerman or Bech, seems to have been a routinely autobiographical writer, once describing each of his novels as “a bulletin on my own condition”. Fairly typically, when Bellow left the university where he was teaching for Bucharest, to visit the mother of his then wife, the result was The Dean’s December (1982), in which an American academic takes a trip to see his mother-in-law in Romania. The story also incorporates, flimsily rewritten, two actual murders that had occurred contemporaneously in his home city of Chicago.

Such direct memoir is often seen as a weakness in fiction: “All the men are Saul and the women are the wives” has been a frequent complaint against Bellow’s novels; Harold Bloom made a version of it when we met. But we only know because we know; if Bellow had done a Pynchon or Salinger, we might have taken the events in Bucharest as vivid imagination. And so one of the consequences of the industrialisation of publicity in the US book business has been to expose the origins of novels in a way that can then be turned against them.

Many of the ­nation’s ­poets, however, have willingly participated in this striptease, without apparent misgivings. At least Bellow’s bulletins on his own condition changed the names and occasional details. The output of a group of New England ­poets – Lowell (1917-1977), Sylvia Plath (1932-63) and Anne Sexton (1928-74) – perfected the genre of “confessional” verse, in which the life (and, in the cases of Plath and Sexton, likely future death by suicide) frequently seems to undergo little change beyond rhythmic shaping to fit the lines.

This verse was often literally therapeutic – Lowell, Plath and Sexton were all treated at the same psychiatric clinic in Massachusetts – but began a debate about whether the genre should sometimes be subject to an equivalent of medical confidentiality. Lowell – in Notebook (1969) and The Dolphin (1973) – quoted directly from the letters of an ex-wife. Whether or not this was ethical, it was true to two increasingly important ideas in American culture during this period: the primacy of the self and a prejudice that fact had more validity than fiction.

Those perceptions also drove an influential new genre which emerged at the same time as confessional poetry: the new journalism. Tom Wolfe (born in 1931) and Hunter S Thompson (1937-2005) overturned two well-cemented tenets of American journalism – the reporter as a discreet, objective presence, and a reverence for fact over opinion – to create a new strain of factual narrative in which the reporter is a star of the story. Books such as Wolfe’s The Kandy-Kolored Tangerine-Flake Streamline Baby (1965) and Thompson’s Fear and Loathing on the Campaign Trail (1973) introduced the devices of fiction to journalism and would eventually encourage the same development in reverse.

Perhaps conscious that arguably the finest work of new journalism had been written by a novelist – Mailer’s The Executioner’s Song (1980), which recreated, in visceral physical and psychological detail, the life of the murderer Gary Gilmore – Wolfe responded, within a decade, by producing the finest novel written by a new journalist: The Bonfire of the Vanities (1987). In promoting this book, he also provoked a long-running and entertaining feud with career novelists – including the New England Johns, Irving and Updike – by suggesting that their work was insufficiently observant of the real world.

This energising slippage between fact and fiction continues in the work of two of the most exciting talents of the new generation: Jonathan Safran Foer’s Everything Is Illuminated (2002), published as fiction, and A Heart-Breaking Work of Staggering Genius (2000) by Dave Eggers, released as non-fiction, are both genre-crossing family memoirs that combine agonising truth with storytelling tricks and have unreliable narrators with the author’s own name. True to one of the key developments in modern American writing, ­Safran Foer and Eggers achieved literary celebrity through first books that acted as though they already had it.

The ambition of the nation’s prose writers is a commonplace of American literary studies: the idea that its ­authors are competing to compose the great American novel. But this contest is probably a myth – wasn’t it won, as early as 1851, by Herman Melville’s Moby-Dick? A different source of extraordinary boldness and scope is American theatre.

Between the eve of the second world war and the beginning of the 1960s, a series of plays appeared which revolutionised American drama: Thornton Wilder’s Our Town (1938), The Glass Menagerie (1944) and A Streetcar Named Desire (1947) by Tennessee Williams, Arthur Miller’s Death of a Salesman (1949) and Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf? (1962) by Albee. Each of these dramas is set predominantly within a domestic residence of its era and has a surface of realism; each has become a standard of the classroom and the provincial theatre repertoire, with the stamp of conservatism that such endorsements inevitably bring.

Yet all of these plays contain significant non-naturalistic or experimental elements: dream sequences or flashes forward or back. Seeing Our Town last year – in the acclaimed off-Broadway revival by David Cromer for the Barrow Street Theatre – I was startled by the darkness and strangeness, in both structure and tone, of a script which I remembered as a linear hymn to small-town life. No sooner are characters introduced than the audience is told of when and how they will die horribly; an entire act takes place in a graveyard filled with people looking back on unfulfilled lives.

British theatre did not achieve a radical change in content and form until the 50s and 60s – driven first by John Osborne’s stable-cleansing Look Back in Anger and then the abolition of censorship by the Lord Chamberlain’s office – but the equivalent breakthrough in the playhouses of the US occurred at least a decade and a half earlier.

It is also notable that America’s dramatists, though the mecca of their profession has always been the commercial stages of Broadway, consistently questioned the optimistic rhetoric of politicians and businessmen about the supremacy of its way of living. The dominant figure of postwar American drama is the fantasist or liar with a life which is in some way unsustainable: Miller’s Willy Loman, Williams’s Blanche DuBois, Albee’s George and Martha.

This radicalism of tone and structure continued among the younger generation of dramatists. Though the leader of the new pack is a minimalist – David Mamet, whose plays, including American Buffalo and Glengarry Glen Ross, rarely detain the audience beyond two hours – US stages still spawn plays of a scale more commonly associated with multi-episode television serials.

Tony Kushner’s Angels in America (1992) runs, across its two parts, for around six hours and, as its subtitle (“A Gay Fantasia on National Themes”) makes clear, follows those pioneering plays of the immediate postwar period in mixing the naturalistic with the non-realistic and even the supernatural. So too does August Wilson’s The Pittsburgh Cycle (1982-2005), which has an architecture even larger than Kushner’s: 10 plays, each dealing with a different decade of African-American history in the 20th century. Wilson also moved freely between fact and fantasy: his characters include a 322-year-old woman.

The most recent serious play to become a box-office hit on Broadway – August: Osage County (2007) by Tracy Letts – is another of these daring constructs: a three-act, three-hour-plus attempt to show that domestic tragedy can still be written in an ironic age. Though working within a system that worships commerce – Miller, Williams and Albee all suffered spells of neglect in which they were grateful for subsidised theatre in the UK – American playwrights have, when it comes to form and politics, consistently dared to go for broke.

Writers are frequently seen as being unworldly figures, but, as it turns out, the White House and the CIA would have been better prepared for 9/11 if they had read American novelists and dramatists rather than field reports. After the attacks, the intelligence community reportedly consulted Hollywood screenwriters about likely future threats, having spotted that movies such as Die Hard anticipated the methods and level of terrorist threat to the US, but they might just as fruitfully have called in DeLillo, Charles McCarry and Kushner.

DeLillo’s most resonant books so far have examined the politics of the American past – Libra (1981), about the JFK assassination and Underworld (1997), exploring the cold war era – but his earlier fiction proves to have been percipient. Though the threat of terrorism entered general consciousness in the US only after 9/11, it figured in DeLillo’s work from the 70s, an insight he attributed to having lived in Greece.

McCarry is a former servant of the secret world – working as a CIA agent under deep cover in Asia and the Middle East during the cold war – who now has some claim to be the best-kept secret on the great American writers shelf. His The Tears of Autumn (1974) is one of the three best literary explorations of the JFK assassination – the others are Libra and Mailer’s Oswald’s Tale (1995) – and the one which perhaps explains most plausibly what happened.

Though far less well known than John le Carré, McCarry has been just as geopolitically aware and is the writer who came closest to directly predicting the 11 September attacks. His book The Better Angels (1979) includes suicide bombers sending planes against America, directed by an Arab malcontent whom contemporary readers will inevitably visualise as Osama bin Laden. Kushner’s play Homebody/ ­Kabul (2001), written before the attacks, includes an Afghan character warning Americans that the Taliban are “coming to New York”.

In the interviews they gave at what turned out to be, in too many cases, the end of their lives, the great fictionalists of the US were almost uniformly gloomy about the future of serious writing. Mailer and Updike detected the retreat of a readership for complex stories. Among living practitioners, Albee feared that Broadway ticket prices mean that only sentimentality and spectacle can sell, complaining of the “middlebrowism that is afflicting American theatre because it is a commercial theatre”.

Roth was also concerned about a coarsening of culture: “The population of intelligent, attentive readers capable of concentration and focus of the kind that is required by a serious novel . . . has decreased. Not because there aren’t the same number of intelligent people around but because they have been torn away like Lady Macbeth says she tore away the child from her breast. They have been torn away from the breast of literature by the screen.”

Vidal, with characteristic dyspepsia, argued that America cannot have suffered a cultural decline because “we never had a culture”, but accepted that his earlier work was published at a more receptive time: “The attention of readers has shifted away . . . it feels to me very much like a dying moment for literary culture in my country.”

The history of sport, though, warns us that the great players of the past are prone to believing that the finest achievements belonged to their own era and will not be bettered by the disappointing generation which follows.

A more optimistic reading is that intelligent literary culture will adapt to the new conditions of the marketplace and may be revived, as the country always has been, by immigration. The Jewish-American, Irish-American, ­African-American and European-­American writers of the great postwar generations may be followed by authors who are, say, Indian-American (Jhumpa Lahiri, left, with Unaccustomed Earth), Dominican-American (Junot Díaz’s The Brief Wondrous Life of Oscar Wao) or Korean-American (Chang-rae Lee, whose novel The Surrendered, published this spring, extends the nation’s rich war literature by treating the ­Korean war from an Asian perspective). With these books and others, a new phase is beginning.

Posted in Jew, Jewish Interest, Politics, Steven Eidman, art, arts, culture, economy, history, literature, women | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

No, Mr. Walt, The Iraq War is Bush’s Fault, Not Israel’s

Posted by steveneidman on February 15, 2010

Rinse, Wash, Repeat

John B. Judis

For the last time, Stephen Walt, Israel did not send the U.S. and Britain into Iraq.

Walt, who blogs for Foreign Policy’s website, recently revived the argument, claiming in a self-congratulatory column titled “I don’t mean to say I told you so, but…” that Tony Blair’s testimony last month before Britain’s Iraq War Commission confirmed that “the Israel lobby … played a key role in the decision to invade Iraq in 2003.” I have read Blair’s testimony. I don’t find it to be proof of anything of the kind; and I don’t think Walt’s accompanying restatement of the argument is any more persuasive than the version he and Mearsheimer put forward in his book.

Walt says that Blair’s statement to the commission “reveals that concerns about Israel were part of the equation [that is, the decision to go to war] and that Israel officials were involved in those discussions.” Here is what Walt, citing a column in the New Statesman, quotes Blair as saying about his early April 2002 meeting in Crawford, Texas, with George W. Bush:

As I recall that discussion, it was less to do with specifics about what we were going to do on Iraq or, indeed, the Middle East, because the Israel issue was a big, big issue at the time. I think, in fact, I remember, actually, there may have been conversations that we had even with Israelis, the two of us, whilst we were there. So that was a major part of all this.

Now there are at least three problems with the inferences that Walt draws from this statement. First, even if we were to grant that Blair is saying that he and Bush were talking about Israel’s role in or importance to the Iraq invasion, this certainly does not show that the Israel lobby had anything to do with the decision to go to war. Nor, secondly, does it show that the Israeli government pressured the U.S. to go to war. The “conversations” could have easily consisted of the Bush administration informing Israelis of their plans.

But these are minor objections. The real problem is that Walt does not seem to have taken the trouble to have read the transcript of Blair’s testimony. If he had, he would have realized that Blair was not talking about how invading Iraq might benefit Israel, but about the conflict then occurring between Israel and the Palestinians. The second intifada had reached a new height with the Passover and Haifa suicide bombings and the beginning of the siege at the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem, and Blair was concerned that the Bush administration was not actively pursuing the peace process. Blair wanted the administration to put the Arab-Israeli issue on a par with the threat of Iraq. The former prime minister makes this clear in other parts of his testimony. Here is an exchange between Blair and Sir Roderic Lyne:

Lyne: … Just one more point arising from Crawford, but not just from Crawford. You said–you reminded us that the Arab-Israel problem was in a very hot state at Crawford. You said you may even have had some conversations with Israelis from there, and obviously it was something that was a large part of your conversations with President Bush. I think it is right to say–indeed, Jack Straw said it–that you were relentless in trying to persuade the Americans to make more and faster progress on the Middle East peace process. Ultimately, Jack Straw said it was a matter of huge–in his evidence the other day–it was a matter of huge frustration that we weren’t able to achieve something which you had been seeking so strongly …

Blair: … I believe that resolving the Middle East–this is what I work on now–is immensely important, and I think it was difficult, and this is something I have said before on several occasions, it was difficult to persuade President Bush, and, indeed, America actually, that this was such a fundamental question …

Lyne: But surely you must have said to him, “Look, this thing is only really going to have a chance of working well if we can make this progress down the Arab-Israel track before we get there”?

Blair: Well, I was certainly saying to him, “I think this is vital,” and I mean, this was–you could describe me as a broken record through that period …

The talks at Crawford and subsequent discussions led eventually to getting Bush to launch the “road map” for peace. In other words, he and Bush were not saying that they had to invade Iraq to assist or appease the Israelis. Nothing that Blair said in his testimony should have provided the slightest evidence that this was occurring. And it seems clear enough that the discussions Blair and Bush had with the Israelis were not about Iraq but about the peace process.

I am sorry to say that this kind of sloppy research and reasoning is typical of the way that Walt and Mearsheimer deal with the question of whether the Israel lobby influenced the decision to go to war. In their book, they claim that the U.S. would “almost certainly” not have gone to war without the influence of the Israel lobby. That’s a very strong claim, but they do not back it up either in the book or in Walt’s current blogging. Let me briefly deal with their logic here.

There are three ways in which the Israel lobby could have made itself indispensable to the decision to go to war: first, in White House-Pentagon deliberations; second, in significantly influencing the critical Congressional vote in October 2002; and third, in dramatically shaping public opinion. Their argument falls short on all these counts.

White House: To contend that the “Israel lobby” influenced the White House decision to invade—which had more or less been made by the spring of 2002 when Blair visited Crawford—Walt and Mearsheimer expand the “lobby” to include “neoconservative intellectuals” such as Paul Wolfowitz, the Deputy Secretary of Defense. They then imply that Wolfowitz and other neo-conservatives favored regime change in Iraq primarily because it would benefit Israel.  No evidence has surfaced to show that Wolfowitz was acting in this manner.  There were other neo-conservatives in the administration – such as David Wurmser and Douglas Feith – who had in the past explicitly linked regime change in Iraq to Israel’s welfare, but they were not in a decision-making capacity. Indeed, the two people outside of the President who appear most responsible for the decision to invade — Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld and Vice President Dick Cheney — could not be categorized, even by Walt and Mearsheimer’s absurdly broad standards, as part of an Israel lobby.  So while it would be foolish to rule out that Israel’s welfare was not discussed or mentioned in discussions about whether to invade Iraq, there is no basis for saying that the White House decision to invade Iraq was driven by neo-conservative preoccupations with Israel’s security.

Congress: Walt cites my quoting of AIPAC head Howard Kohr’s boast that AIPAC had been “quietly lobbying” Congress to pass the war resolution in October 2002. I don’t doubt that AIPAC officials favored going to war, as did the leaders of some other pro-Israel organizations. But AIPAC did not aggressively lobby for the war resolution the way it lobbied in 1981 against the AWACs surveillance plane sale to Saudi Arabia or recently for refined petroleum sanctions on Iran. I have interviewed AIPAC people and members of other Jewish lobbying organizations on this question, and they say the same thing. It was not a make-or-break legislative priority. And there is very good circumstantial evidence to back this up. Some of AIPAC’s most dependable supporters on the Hill—such as Senators Daniel Inouye and Carl Levin and Representative Jerrold Nadler—opposed the resolution. So, yes, AIPAC probably did “quietly” make its preference known; but it can’t be credited or blamed for the outcome of the vote. And no other pro-Israel or Jewish lobby possesses comparable clout on the Hill.

Public Opinion: Did the Israel lobby have a sine qua non influence on public opinion in favor of the war? If so, one would expect that its influence would at least show up among Jewish Americans, who would be most likely to listen to their arguments. In a 2003 survey, the American Jewish Committee found that 54 percent of Jewish Americans disapproved of going to war with Iraq and only 43 percent approved. At the time, a majority of Americans approved of going to war. So, far from being a leader in pro-war sentiment, American Jews were lagging behind. Walt and Mearsheimer concede this point, but it’s important nonetheless to include it because it is the only other way in which the Israel lobby might have had a decisive effect on the decision to invade, but did not.  

There is, in other words, no basis at all for accepting Walt and Mearsheimer’s contention that, without the Israel lobby, the U.S. would likely not have invaded Iraq.  It’s not anti-Semitic to make these charges–they have quotes and anecdotes in their book–but they don’t add up to the proof of any overriding influence. Nor does Walt’s use of Blair’s testimony to the Iraq War Commission. I think it’s time for Walt and Mearsheimer to put this part of their argument to rest.

Posted in Antisemitism, Democrats, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Jew, Jewish Interest, Law, National Security, Obama, Politics, Steven Eidman, UN, history, terrorism | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

Posted by steveneidman on February 1, 2010

Claiming J.D. Salinger (1919-2010)

 By Adam Chandler

Let me get this little bit out of the way right now: Louis Menand of The New Yorker wrote the following about “The Catcher in the Rye” ten years ago and I don’t think it’s been said any better and I have the good fortune of being wise enough not to try to.

“The Catcher in the Rye” is a sympathetic portrait of a boy who refuses to be socialized which has become (among certain readers, anyway, for it is still occasionally banned in conservative school districts) a standard instrument of socialization. I was introduced to the book by my parents, people who, if they had ever imagined that I might, after finishing the thing, run away from school, smoke like a chimney, lie about my age in bars, solicit a prostitute, or use the word “goddam” in every third sentence, would (in the words of the story) have had about two hemorrhages apiece. Somehow, they knew this wouldn’t be the effect.

Menand adds:

Supposedly, kids respond to “The Catcher in the Rye” because they recognize themselves in the character of Holden Caulfield. Salinger is imagined to have given voice to what every adolescent, or, at least, every sensitive, intelligent, middle-class adolescent, thinks but is too inhibited to say, which is that success is a sham, and that successful people are mostly phonies. Reading Holden’s story is supposed to be the literary equivalent of looking in a mirror for the first time. This seems to underestimate the originality of the book. Fourteen-year-olds, even sensitive, intelligent, middle-class fourteen-year-olds, generally do not think that success is a sham, and if they sometimes feel unhappy, or angry, or out of it, it’s not because they think most other people are phonies. The whole emotional burden of adolescence is that you don’t know why you feel unhappy, or angry, or out of it. The appeal of “The Catcher in the Rye,” what makes it addictive, is that it provides you with a reason. It gives a content to chemistry.

Alright, are we good? Good. So let’s start with what is generally (?) known of J.D. Salinger: American writer, famous recluse, Holden Caulfield, Mark David Chapman/Lennon, and perhaps some stories about the Glass family. And to that, add this: J(erome) D(avid) Salinger, grandson of a rabbi, son of a *ham* and cheese importer/father and a mother who hid her true Irish-Scottish (read: not Jewish) roots until after his bar-mitzvah.

Of course, it was not until the deluge of tributes today that some (most) of us may have first sifted through his biographical information with any topical urgency. Now that we have, can we just concede that there is enough material in that early biography for a lifetime’s worth of not only storytelling–Great American or other–but a level of torture that is so specifically Jewish that, if amplified, it might give the entire Bernard Malamud canon a run for its money? (This is, of course, not even a slight knock on Malamud.)  

So why do we not place Salinger in the Malamud-Bellow-Roth-Mailer pantheon of 21st century Jewish American writers? Well, first of all, while we know about his roots, little is known about whether he identified as Jewish later much beyond his youth and, from the few interviews he gave in his long and winding life, not much has been parsed. We do know that later in his life he was partial to some eccentric ideologies.

Some literary authorities suggest that because Salinger so deftly camouflaged the Jewish experience in his writing it became unrecognizable. Therefore we, tortured as we are, couldn’t really claim him. Janet Malcolm, in a typically blistering essay, adds it’s not that Salinger didn’t find the Jewish experience salient or pure (she admits we’ll never really know), but rather, that because those edges were blurred the alchemy of solitude in his stories were made more universal.

Characters, beyond the obvious Caulfield, like Franny Glass exhibited symptoms of isolation and outsiderness that really feel particularly “Jewish” (gleamed from what is either known by us or found in the works of the aforementioned the Jewish greats). But they also feel human in a way washed of any explicit tribal suffering. This irked Jews like Maxwell Geismar whom Malcolm quotes:

“The locale of the New York sections is obviously that of a comfortable middle-class urban Jewish society where, however, all the leading figures have become beautifully Anglicized. Holden and Phoebe Caulfield: what perfect American social register names which are presented to us in both a social and a psychological void!”

To echo Malcolm, perhaps it resonated because it was a sting so bare and unadorned.

As for the rest of Salinger’s bio, well, a glancing over of it smacks of what many (or at least I, perhaps foolishly) would consider a very American experience: he hated high school on the Upper West Side, flunked out, hated military school, wrote about that, hated college, popped in and out of places, wrote banal and formulaic stories, they were rejected, wrote more, was published, was drafted for World War II (spoke German well enough to interrogate POWs and deserters), wrote about his service (“For Esmé — With Love and Squalor” is one of his best and most haunting), landed on Utah Beach on D-Day, fought in the Battle of the Bulge, had a breakdown, was one of the first to walk into a liberated camp, befriended Hemingway all the while, published more brilliant stories, slipped off the radar more, experimented with Eastern religions, Christian Science, Dianetics/other crackpot philosophies, wrote more stories, then wrote ones without stark endings that were circular and so brilliant that people called them too weird to be enjoyed, had affairs with younger women, married a few times and had a few children (one delegate from both his wives and children wrote damning books about him calling him abusive, brooding, drinker of his own urine), sold the movie rights to a story for money, was dismayed by the outcome of the movie, never sold film rights again, had more affairs with younger women while locked up in the New Hampshire hinterlands, kept fellow reclusive friends, stopped publishing stories in 1965, remarried, stopped interviewing in 1980, sat quietly on a growing cache of unpublished work for 45 years, died at 91.

Perhaps this later Salinger biography (sparse in its convention, mythical in its hermeticism), the adult version of the one to which Menand so aptly links youth and Caulfield, is a reflection that says something about Jews in America. Something unspecific, something, like his work, inchoate and generally unsaid by the great Jewish American writers: we’ve arrived, our travails are universal, we don’t have to name our experiences so much. Or perhaps we do. I suppose once all of Salinger’s hidden treasures are pillaged and finally published, we can enjoy trying to claim him.

Posted in Jew, Jewish Interest, Music, Politics, Social Network, Steven Eidman, art, arts, business, celebrity, culture, economics, economy, history, psychology, school | Tagged: , , | Leave a Comment »

Is Anti-Bankism the New Anti-Semitism?

Posted by steveneidman on February 1, 2010

How to Think About: Jewish Bankers

By Michael Kinsley

Goldman Sachs, the huge and hugely profitable investment bank, has become a symbol of the financial excesses that helped to bring on the current recession. Because Goldman is thought of as a “Jewish” firm, and because it dominates the financial industry, criticism of Goldman, or of bankers generally, is often accused of being anti-Semitic. Commentators including Rush Limbaugh and Maureen Dowd have been so accused. When, if ever, are such accusations fair?

If you believe that Goldman has done nothing wrong, then any criticisms of Goldman or use of the firm as a symbol of the crisis are obviously unfair to Goldman. Furthermore, they would raise the legitimate question of “Why pick on Goldman?” and the possibility that anti-Semitism is part of the explanation. Similarly, if you believe that anything Goldman did wrong was done wrong by lots of others, the question of “Why pick on Goldman” arises, as does the same obvious answer.

Unfortunately for Goldman, it is not obviously blameless in the crisis. It was never so reckless that it risked going under. It borrowed only [sic] ten billion dollars from the Federal government, even that under duress, and paid it back as soon as possible, with interest. But the firm engaged in complex transactions that amounted to betting against its clients. Throughout the crisis, it enjoyed an implicit government guarantee on the grounds of being “too big to fail.” The government bailed out one of Goldman’s biggest borrowers–the insurance company AIG–saving Goldman billions in losses. And its profits and executive bonuses revealed, at the least, a lack of sensitivity at a time when millions are losing their jobs.

Even if Goldman did nothing in particular wrong, its status as one of only two remaining huge investment banks on Wall Street (the other is Morgan Stanley) might make it a legitimate focus, especially given its reputation, even before the crisis, for ruthlessness.

Is it legitimate to think of Goldman as a Jewish firm? Messrs. Goldman and Sachs, who founded the firm in the nineteenth century, were Jewish, as have been most of its partners since then, almost all of its leaders, and its current CEO (Lloyd Blankfein). It was founded because Jews were excluded from other firms. At this point Goldman is a publicly traded stock that anybody may own, and probably most of its employees are not Jewish. (Just as Jews are more than welcome at “gentile” firms like Morgan Stanley).

Is it legitimate to talk about Goldman as a Jewish firm? That’s a different question. Many American Jews think “Jewish” when they hear the words “Goldman” and “Sachs,” but still cringe whenever they hear the connection made in public, especially by non-Jews. Certainly any explicit suggestion that Goldman’s alleged misbehavior and its Jewishness are related in any way is anti-Semitic.

But what about comments about Goldman Sachs that draw on the classic stereotype about Jews and money, without making any explicit connection to it being a Jewish firm? That depends on which stereotype you mean. There is the stereotype that Jews thrive and tend to predominate on Wall Street and in the financial professions generally. This is true, but so what? There is no mystery or conspiracy involved. Jews in Europe were excluded from many occupations for centuries. They couldn’t own land and be farmers. Here in the United States they couldn’t climb the executive ladder at big corporations. They were not welcome at investment banks run by Protestants. So they founded their own.

The stereotype that Jews gravitate toward, and often do well in, finance is so innocent that, ironically, bringing it up is suspicious. What does it have to do with anything?

Rush Limbaugh brought it up the other day. He said on his radio show that President Obama may be appealing to anti-Semitism with his recent populist criticism of banks and bankers. “There are a lot of people,” Limbaugh said, “when you say banker, people think Jewish.” He didn’t mention Goldman Sachs. Abe Foxman, longtime head of the B’nai Brith Anti-Defamation League, declared that Limbaugh’s remark was “offensive and inappropriate” and “borderline anti-Semitic.” Limbaugh and his defenders protest that Limbaugh clearly was referring to other people, “people who have–what’s the best way to say–a little prejudice about them,” and not endorsing such views himself. And the transcript bears him out.

By Foxman’s standard, even to mention that many bankers are Jewish is anti-Semitic (even though it’s true), and attributing this view to others (while professing to be worried about it) is no excuse This may be over-the top. We live in a culture of umbrage, in which everybody seems to be taking offense at something somebody else says. Foxman is one of the nation’s foremost umbragists.

However, Limbaugh’s supporters make too much of the fact that, read literally, his remarks took the form of defending Jews against unfair maligning. There can be something creepy about “philo-semitism,” or a professed special fondness for Jews. Even when it is sincere (as it may well be in Limbaugh’s case), it rests on an acute feeling of “otherness” about Jews that makes many Jewish Americans rightly uncomfortable.

Sometimes the stereotype about Jews and money takes a harsher form: Jews are greedy, they lie, cheat and steal for money, they have undue influence with the government, which they cultivate and exploit ruthlessly, and so on. In recent weeks, many have said this sort of thing about Goldman Sachs, but with no reference to Jews. Are they all anti-Semites? No. It ought to be possible to criticize Goldman in the harshest possible terms–if you think that’s warranted–without being tarred as an anti-Semite. (Many of Goldman’s harshest critics, unsurprisingly, are Jewish. Jews can be anti-Semites, too.)

Then there is this oft-quoted passage at the beginning of a lengthy rant against Goldman Sachs by Matt Taibbi last July in Rolling Stone: “The world’s most powerful investment bank is a great vampire squid wrapped around the face of humanity, relentlessly jamming its blood funnel into anything that smells like money.” This sentence, many have charged, goes beyond stereotypes about Jews and money, touches other classic anti-Semitic themes about Jews as foreign or inhuman elements poisoning humanity and society, and–to some critics– even seems to reference the notorious “blood libel” that Jews use the blood of Christian babies to make matzoh.

Taibbi claims to have been utterly blindsided by accusations that his article was anti-Semitic. He says he finds the idea “ludicrous.” He denies any relation between his words and classic anti-Semitic stereotypes. His critics find this impossible to believe. Could such a sophisticated writer (the article skewers Goldman with great skill and style) actually not know about the stereotypes and ancient lies that this passage echoes, and could he actually be surprised that there would be people calling his article, fairly or otherwise, anti-semitic? It may be possible to call Goldman Sachs a bloodsucker without being an anti-Semite. But is it possible to call Goldman Sachs a bloodsucker and then be surprised when you’re called an anti-Semite?

Posted in Antisemitism, CEO, Democrats, Israel, Jew, Jewish Interest, Law, Obama, Politics, Steven Eidman, Wall Street, banks, business, culture, economics, economy, history, psychology | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | 1 Comment »

Michael Oren, Israel’s Ambassador, vs. Andrew Sullivan

Posted by steveneidman on October 8, 2009

Deep Denial

Why the Holocaust Still Matters

  • Michael B. Oren

Toughened by their frontier ethos, steeled by serial wars, Israelis are not prone to flattery. Most, in fact, eschew using the closest equivalent to the Hebrew word for flattery–chanupa–in favor of the derisive Yiddish-derivative, firgun. An Israeli joke holds that the word, slashed by a red diagonal line, graces the exit from Ben-Gurion Airport, together with the warning, “You are now entering a Firgun Free Zone.”

Not surprisingly, then, several Israeli commentators reacted unflatteringly to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s recent speech to the U.N. General Assembly. Though many international leaders and even the audience in the U.N. hall applauded Netanyahu, his words were lambasted in Haaretz by Tom Segev as “unnecessary and embarrassing” and by Gideon Levy as “demagogic” and “insulting to the intelligence.” Aluf Benn, one of Israel’s most respected journalists, faulted the prime minister for failing to address a global, rather than an Israeli, audience.

The bulk of the speech highlighted the threat of Iranian nuclearization, the travesty of the Goldstone Report, and Israel’s hopes for a peace with the Palestinians based on security and mutual recognition. Yet criticism of the prime minister virtually ignored these topics and focused instead on his opening remarks, about the Holocaust. “One third of all Jews perished in the great conflagration of the Holocaust,” Netanyahu reminded the delegates. “Nearly every Jewish family was affected, including my own.” He went on to assail President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the world’s premier Holocaust denier, who had addressed the same assembly the previous day, as well as those ambassadors who did not walk out on him. “Have you no shame?” Netanyahu upbraided them. “Have you no decency?”

Detractors of Netanyahu alleged that, by asserting the reality of the Holocaust, he stooped to Ahmadinejad’s level–worse, that he granted credibility to the Iranian thug by debating him over a universally accepted truth. “If 64 years after World War II concluded with Hitler’s fall … the debate on the reality of the Holocaust has reached the UN General Assembly,” Benn wrote, “then Ahmadinejad has succeeded in instilling doubt.”

Perhaps because they were raised in a society suffused with Holocaust consciousness, some Israelis might be unaware of the extent of ignorance of the Final Solution throughout the world, even in the United States, and especially among youth. Confronted with the enormity of the horror, many young people today–much like American Jewish leaders in 1942–react with incredulousness, rendering them susceptible to denial. Millions of Muslims, moreover, subscribe to the syllogism: If Israel was created by Europeans out of Holocaust guilt, and the Holocaust never occurred, then Israel’s existence is unjust. Where better than the General Assembly, a body established in response to World War II and affording a global audience, to reaffirm the veracity of an event now so widely questioned if not refuted?

But in concentrating on the prime minister’s preamble, critics overlook the deeper connections between the Holocaust and his subsequent themes. Recognizing the murder of six million Jews more than six decades ago is, in fact, vital for understanding the supreme dangers posed to six million Jews in Israel today by a nuclear Iran and by the Goldstone Report. Reasserting the factuality of the Holocaust is a prerequisite for peace.

Many factors contributed to the Holocaust–European anti-Semitism, mass murder technologies, and Allied indifference–but none more elemental than the Jews’ inability to defend themselves. Israel and its citizen Defense Forces represent the most palpable means for redressing that incapacity.

Accordingly, denying the Holocaust not only deprives Israel of its raison d’être, but, more nefariously still, it invalidates the Jews’ need to defend themselves. So, the Iranian leader proceeds to arm Hamas and Hezbollah and produce nuclear weapons while claiming that the Jews of Israel–like those of 1940s Europe–have nothing to fear. But Ahmadinejad does not stop short at merely deeming the Holocaust a “fairy tale;” rather, he portrays Israel as a Nazi state–guilty of perpetrating the very offenses against the Palestinians that the Nazis never did to the Jews.

Where Ahmadinejad leaves off, the Goldstone Report, or, as it is officially called, the “United Nations Fact Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict,” persists. The U.N. mission purports to have investigated Israel’s military action in Gaza last winter, an operation launched in response to the firing of more than 7,000 Hamas missiles at Israeli towns since Israel’s 2005 withdrawal from the Strip. But instead of probing Hamas’s deliberate effort to maximize Israeli civilian casualties and its doctrine of hiding behind Palestinian human shields, the judges interviewed handpicked Hamas witnesses, several of them senior commanders disguised as civilians, and uncritically accepted their testimony. Inexorably, the report, which presumed Israel’s guilt, condemned the Jewish state for crimes against humanity and for mounting a premeditated campaign against Gaza civilians.

The Goldstone Report goes further than Ahmadinejad and the Holocaust deniers by stripping the Jews not only of the ability and the need but of the right to defend themselves. If a country can be pummeled by thousands of rockets and still not be justified in protecting its inhabitants, then at issue is not the methods by which that country survives but whether it can survive at all. But more insidiously, the report does not only hamstring Israel; it portrays the Jews as the deliberate murderers of innocents–as Nazis. And a Nazi state not only lacks the need and right to defend itself; it must rather be destroyed.

Ahmadinejad’s genocidal rhetoric and the iniquity of the Goldstone Report notwithstanding, Israel will, of course, continue to defend its citizens. No amount of vitriol will compel Israel onto a course of self-destruction. But what will be destroyed is any chance for peace. Having twice withdrawn unilaterally to recognized borders and received only onslaughts in return, and having suffered censure for protecting themselves from that aggression, Israelis will understandably recoil from additional retreats that will leave them vulnerable. Israelis, moreover, will not withdraw from any territory liable to become staging grounds for terrorist groups empowered by international agencies and convinced of their ability to murder Israelis with impunity.

Israel will pursue policies with or without firgun. But by making the connection between the Holocaust and its denial, the Iranian nuclear program, and the Goldstone Report, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has exposed the venal narrative that concludes with Israel’s paralysis. By reaffirming Israel’s right to safeguard its citizens, he has demarcated the only path to peace.

Michael B. Oren is Israel’s ambassador to the United States.

 

The Undiplomatic Michael Oren

Andrew Sullivan

I thought ambassadors were supposed to smoothe over rifts, not inflame them. And I thought they were supposed to speak to the broadest number of citizens in the countries to which they have been appointed, not provide inflammatory rants to the already-persuaded. But this Michael Oren piece in TNR abandons any pretense of diplomatic balance.

The premise of Oren’s piece is that Israel faces a new Nazism represented by Ahmadinejad and Holocaust deniers but, to an even greater extent, by the South African liberal, Richard Goldstone, and the United Nations. Oren seems to be arguing that Gaza was a war of survival for the Jewish state and that Israel had no choice but to launch a war that killed, by one conservative Israeli count, 320 children, destroyed 4,000 homes, and up to 80 government buildings. Even if one is sympathetic to the horrific barrage of Hamas rockets that Israeli citizens endured (and what decent human being wouldn’t be?) – every single rocket being a war crime – it helps no one to use language this extreme or to distort history in this manner.

One might ask what the response of Michael Oren would be if Palestinian terrorists pulled off a major coup by killing 320 Jewish children, and destroying 4,000 homes in Tel Aviv, because Israel had lobbed primitive missiles at its territory, missing human targets an overwhelming proportion of the time. This is not to defend Hamas’ wickedness and war crimes. It is not to say that Israel deliberately targeted children. It is to insist that the laws of war be applied equally to both parties in a conflict. It is to ask Israel to live up to its own ancient moral values – values that were pioneered when my own ancestors were running around painted in wode.

It is also to ask beleaguered Israel to get some perspective and to see, for a moment, how things might look from the outside. I can see why they may feel encircled and alone. But they’re not. Even those of us who have been made angry by their recent actions and seeming unconcern for the needs of their most powerful friend, want to help. God knows I love Israel and its people; and I understand that some of the extremism among neocons is really an excess of passion and love rather than mere belligerence and orneriness. But, seriously guys, get a grip. Help the US help you. And try to see the wider picture.

Here’s a graph that tells the story of the comparative human toll in the year before the conflict broke out:

800px-Israelis_killed_by_Palestinians_in_Israel_and_Palestinians_killed_by_Israelis_in_Gaza_-_2008_prior_to_Gaza_War

Over eight years, 28 Israelis were killed by Hamas rockets in what were clearly war crimes, as Goldstone emphatically reports. Four times that many Palestinians were killed by Israelis in one month in 2008. In the subsequent conflict, the ratio of Palestinian deaths to Israeli deaths was close to 100 – 1. With this tally, Oren writes:

If a country can be pummeled by thousands of rockets and still not be justified in protecting its inhabitants, then at issue is not the methods by which that country survives but whether it can survive at all.

Seriously? No; the issue is whether Israel committed war crimes in its self-defense in Gaza and whether that self-defense was disproportionate to the threat it faced. At the time Bret Stephens offered the just war theory behind the Gaza war thus:

For every single rocket that falls randomly on Israeli soil, an Israeli missile will hit a carefully selected target in Gaza. Focusing the minds of Hamas on this type of “proportionality” is just the endgame that Israel needs.

Does that sound like the desperate act of a country on the brink of extinction? Glenn Reynolds explained the actual rationale:

Israel’s just playing by Chicago rules:  “They pull a knife, you pull a gun. He sends one of yours to the hospital, you send one of his to the morgue.  That’s the Chicago way!”

Whatever else that is, it is not a just war. The disproportion was the point: it was designed to teach the Gazans and Hamas a lesson they would never forget. Michael Goldfarb, McCain’s former spokesman, echoed Reynolds’ statement but embraced the murder of children as well:

The fight against Islamic radicals always seems to come around to whether or not they can, in fact, be deterred, because it’s not clear that they are rational, at least not like us. But to wipe out a man’s entire family, it’s hard to imagine that doesn’t give his colleagues at least a moment’s pause. Perhaps it will make the leadership of Hamas rethink the wisdom of sparking an open confrontation with Israel under the current conditions. Or maybe not, and the only way to stop Hamas is to eliminate its capacity for violence entirely.

Now it is a completely fair point that many other nations are in no position to criticize, including the US. Israel has to survive on a tiny strip of land which is surrounded by enemies. The Jews have achieved there such a miraculous, inventive, dynamic state it puts most other countries to shame. And its moral standards and its internal airing of debate have no peer in its own region. In some respects, the US has recently had lower standards.

 

The US, by invading Iraq and failing to provide any security for the civilians trapped in the chaos the US tolerated, (“stuff happens”), by torturing hundreds of prisoners, innocent and guilty, and by unleashing entities like Blackwater on civilian populations is in no position to judge. 3,000 Americans died on 9/11. Hundreds of thousands of civilians died in the Iraq occupation in sectarian violence that an invading army has a fundamental moral responsibility to restrain. To have invaded a country with no thought for the security of its civilians is one reason I came to see the execution of the Iraq war as morally intolerable. Israel, moreover, has seen its Supreme Court outlaw the torture methods championed by the US under Bush and Cheney. The US, in stark contrast, refuses to investigate its seven-year policy of torture and abuse of individuals, some of whom it knew to be innocent.

But that doesn’t make either war just. As Matt points out, even if you believe the Israeli attack on Gaza was justified, that doesn’t exclude the possibility of war crimes in its execution. Is this so hard to understand? Jews of all people – the victims of war crimes of unimaginable evil – should know this. And exchange anger and paranoia for the integrity they once had.

Posted in Antisemitism, Iran, Israel, Jew, Jewish Interest, Law, National Security, Obama, Politics, UN, culture, history, terrorism | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

Takes issue with Boteach’s rhetoric

Posted by steveneidman on October 5, 2009

Even Charles Barkley, the former NBA star who pointedly eschewed the “role model” mantle that society foists on athletes, would surely concede that for a spiritual leader, responsibility is a key part of the job description. So it puzzles me that Shmuley Boteach, who prominently sports the honorific of “rabbi,” cannot find a more measured and dignified way of expressing his disagreements with his co-religionists. From the very first sentence of his Sept. 18 diatribe against the pro-Israel lobby J Street, where he accuses the lobby of seeing all who disagree with its stance as “knuckle-draggers who see an anti-Semite behind every corner,” one cannot escape the ominous feeling that a person who is supposed to hold himself to a lofty standard of human intercourse and kindness is about to behave in a manner far, far below the requirements of his office. And, sure enough, the rest of the essay makes use of the nastiest and commonest propaganda techniques, such as quoting the adversary and then, subtly, dropping the quotation marks while still claiming to speak in the adversary’s voice. The object is to mock and to delegitimize, with one of two possible outcomes: either the reader succumbs to the argument and, in this case, a fellow Jew is seen as vile and despicable, or, more often, the reader feels embarrassment at the debasement of the writer’s religious office. Since neither of these reactions is particularly “good for the Jews,” I would respectfully suggest that it might be better for anyone choosing to play the role of spiritual guide to accept the constraints that come with the title and to argue one’s point in a reasonable, measured, and charitable manner. When posited in this way, one’s arguments, paradoxically, take on power and achieve a lasting impact, perhaps because in this case the reader senses a pleasing and inspiring congruence between the writer’s words and her/his title.

Englewood

Posted in Antisemitism, Jew, Jewish Interest, Politics, school | Tagged: , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »